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From there, it will be flown back to California for burial services at sunset on the grounds of his presidential library.

Servant leadership: The style of Frank Chikane from early life to the presidency of Thabo Mbeki

Reagan died Saturday at the age of 93, following a year battle with Alzheimer's disease. Open main navigation Live TV. Full Schedule. Live Radio. Live TV. English voanews. Learning English learningenglish. The firm assertion is made that certainly since , what South Africa became from then onwards, was a unique creation of the policies and programmes of Oliver Tambo's movement, the African National Congress.

Hail to the Chief

In this respect I can refer to countless occasions when, in the past, I said that the central and immediate task of the national democratic revolution after the political victory of was to dismantle the legacy of colonialism and apartheid , this evoked major opposition, on the basis of the strange and false argument that the apartheid legacy died in The imperialist and colonial reality we have just sought to describe was accompanied and sustained, as was necessary, by forcible and exclusive white minority rule. Accordingly and correctly, from the time of its foundation, the ANC set itself the task to end colonial and white minority rule in our country, and indeed our region, therefore to transform South Africa into a non-racial democracy.

It would therefore be correct to say that this was the first strategic task of the National Democratic Revolution , which the ANC pursued up to the historic political victory of I would insist that the second strategic task of the national democratic revolution in our country, consequent upon the political victory of , is the eradication of the legacy of colonialism and apartheid. I would also insist that the third strategic task of our revolution is the entrenchment of a national democratic society , focused on ensuring the permanence of the genuinely democratic, non-racial, non-sexist and prosperous society visualised in our Constitution, which would define the long-term character of South Africa, as a truly egalitarian society.


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Earlier I referred to the historic challenge that faces all revolutionaries to fight for the revolutionary transformation of society, to create a new social order which would benefit the ordinary masses in all these societies. That challenge of revolutionary transformation has faced and will face the NDR as it has and will confront all three of the strategic tasks I have mentioned.

It must follow from what I have said that I must now return to the matter of the tasks of the NDR, and Oliver Tambo's role in this regard. In this context I would like to say a few more words about Oliver Tambo, to help explain his role to which I have referred. Oliver Tambo belonged among a cadre of intellectuals and professionals who passed through the portals of this University, and yet others, including those who came from the ranks of the trade union movement, the traditional African faiths, the Christian churches, the Moslem mosques and the Judaic synagogues, who discharged their responsibilities brilliantly as leaders and activists of our revolution.

I am certain that all of you present here will have understood that what I have just said about Oliver Tambo describes exactly the kind of leadership that any period of revolutionary change needs.

A leader of Machiavellian tendencies who impressed abroad, not at home

I have said what I have about Oliver Tambo to reflect on the kind of person he was, which I would like to believe underlines how rare a leader of the National Democratic Revolution he was, precisely and specifically as such a revolutionary leader. I must also state this frankly, that I thought it important to state what I believe set Oliver Tambo apart as the leader he was, to underline the fundamental point that unless we produce other leaders and cadres of the calibre of Oliver Tambo, it is almost inevitable that the National Democratic Revolution will fail.

Everything I have said surely underlines the reality that the revolution continues , and therefore demands a leadership linked to the masses of the people, that is capable of leading this revolution, exemplified by what Oliver Tambo achieved in this regard. It was to address exactly this concern that the ANC has continuously put on its programme the task of political education and cadre development.

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Accordingly, what I have said is by no means original, because it has been a central part of the understanding and programmes of the ANC for even more than the almost two decades since In this regard I must accept that during the years when I served in the leadership of the ANC, we failed to achieve the objective of sustaining the calibre of a membership made up of politically mature and committed cadres. This would have made it, as much as it was possible, to insulate our movement from the "staff-riders'' who came on board the ANC train, intent to use their membership as a step-ladder to access state power and abuse this power for self-enrichment.

The real and hard truth is that, in this regard, the current leadership of the ANC and the broad democratic movement, at all levels, have inherited this failure, which lies at the base of much that is going wrong in our country. Throughout his four-and-a-half-decades of active political life, from the s until almost the end of the s, Oliver Tambo played a central role in mobilising and uniting the national, continental and global forces whose sustained united action led to the historic political victory.

Get e-book Thabo Mbeki (Modern World Leaders)

This included uniting the old and the young in the s and s mass struggles, as a leader of both the ANC Youth League and the ANC, and the later similar struggles, which played a decisive role in achieving the political victory of This also included the truly remarkable achievement of mobilising and uniting the African Continent and the rest of the world, encompassing Governments and nations, all regions, sectional, governmental and non-governmental organisations of note, including the very United Nations, to coalesce behind the South African liberation movement in a common struggle to defeat the apartheid system.

Under his leadership the world constituted itself into the most powerful international post-Second World War solidarity movement, to date, described as the International Anti-Apartheid Movement. Beginning with the banning of the ANC and the PAC in , following on the banning of the Communist Party of South Africa CPSA in , the apartheid regime, supported by powerful international allied Western anti-communist states, led by the US, sought to use extreme repression completely to liquidate all organised opposition in our country to the apartheid regime and system.

It is in this context that we must understand the critical importance of the reality that was created by the actuality that Oliver Tambo, originally sent abroad by the ANC leadership essentially to mobilise international support for our domestic struggle, led the processes which ensured the very survival of the ANC.

In the absence of what was done outside our country, and under his leadership, there would have been no organising centre representing the oppressed majority, and therefore the ANC, which served as the counter-party in the complex process which ended with the political victory. During the challenging years of the virtual exile of the ANC, and operating in the context of a complicated international situation, Oliver Tambo led the political processes which both ensured that the ANC maintained the confidence of the South African masses, and ensured that these masses remained loyal to the strategic objectives of the NDR.

As the master strategist he was, Oliver Tambo made a critical contribution to the elaboration of the strategic perspective of the ANC at an historically critical moment of the struggle to defeat the apartheid crime against humanity, which resulted in the identification and combined pursuit of the Four Pillars of the Revolution , these being:. Further, Oliver Tambo had the maturity of revolutionary strategic and tactical intelligence , during the later years of the s, to understand that the strategic balance of power had shifted decisively in favour of our country's National Democratic Revolution, and therefore that the combined force of the ANC, the broad democratic movement in our country, and the world Anti-Apartheid Movement had to prepare themselves for an historically new phase of struggle.

In the end the British government under Tony Blair said it was ready to use force to remove Robert Mugabe. He stood very firm for the liberation of the continent.

He was a great actor in the interest of the countries of the south. The Citizen. All rights reserved. The concept has not really been widely imbibed in post-apartheid South Africa as sporadic xenophobic attacks on African immigrants demonstrate. Pityana also could have probed more deeply into why it was so difficult for Mbeki to build a state with the capacity to reverse centuries of colonial and apartheid-induced black poverty.

But as a mediator Mbeki could surely have been less disdainful of the leader of the opposition Movement for Democratic Change, Morgan Tsvangirai. Pityana might also have addressed the critique of Caribbean delegates that Mbeki and other African leaders betrayed the continent and the Diaspora at the United Nations World Conference against Racism in Durban by not pushing harder for reparations for slavery and colonialism. Lawrence provides a magisterial historical sweep, from the three Keynesian decades following World War II to the triumph of neoliberal and monetarist economics in the nineteen-nineties.

Lawrence talks about their development economics textbooks at Sussex teaching about state-led development and competitive markets, in contrast to the oligopolistic companies that increasingly existed in the real world. Lawrence also notes that the South African state—unlike the successful developmental states in Asia—lacked control over its own banking sector, and had weak research and development capacity.

The triumphant neoliberal economics of the nineteen-eighties stressed a minimalist state, mainly facilitating private sector productivity and maximising shareholder value, while cutting taxes, particularly for rich corporates and individuals. It was often noted by neoliberal prophets that there was no alternative to this new gospel, which even rich countries could not avoid, given the power of capital flows across borders, as well as currency speculation. Lawrence argues that neoliberal economics failed to transform African economies, and left them integrated into the global economy as exporters of raw materials with a lower share of world trade and production than sixty years earlier.

Critics have also argued that the ANC abandoned its socialist roots to run the economy not too differently from how the white-dominated Democratic Alliance DA opposition would have run it: in the interests of a powerful 10 per cent white minority, rather than the black majority that had elected it to power, 55 per cent of whom still live in grinding poverty.

Why did Mbeki abandon his progressive Sussex economics training once in power? Was it a loss of nerve—as he seemed to suggest to Gevisser—or did he simply feel that the theoretical classroom was too far removed from the real world of governance, and that South Africa was too small a country to wage economic battles against local and global corporate titans?

Instead, the Marxist scholar ends by suggesting that an alliance between the South African government and grassroots organisations, civil society, trade unions and progressive media may have tamed corporate capital in South Africa, and made it more developmental. Why are Eurocentric paradigms and white professors still so disproportionately ubiquitous in contemporary South African academe?

It would, however, have been more interesting to read an essay which engaged in far greater detail with policies such as Black Economic Empowerment BEE , Gear, and Nepad within the global context. The complaints about BEE benefiting a handful of politically connected individuals would have been useful to engage here, but the question is left aside.

In contrast to this record, the much-maligned Jacob Zuma administration developed the largest Aids treatment programme in the world, from which 3. Pedro Tabensky, a philosopher and national of Chile, Australia, Hungary and South Africa, contributes an essay that is part autobiographical, somewhat distractingly talking about migrating to, and living in, South Africa.

A deeper and better-informed diagnosis is, however, surely required in order to treat the ills ailing the South African patient. Mbeki seems more of a cosmopolitan polyglot, as much at home with Xhosa poetry as the prose of Shakespeare, and as comfortable with the griot of the Harlem Renaissance, Langston Hughes, as the Irish poetry of WB Yeats.


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He fails to ask why, for example, Mbeki and his fellow African leaders could not have invited Caribbean leaders to their summits for dialogue about building closer links with the Diaspora. Asante could also have interrogated more deeply the criticism of whether the African Renaissance was more illusory promise than implementable policy.

Even though countries like America and France—as veto-wielding permanent members of the fifteen-strong UN Security Council—have indeed manipulated UN interventions for more parochial agendas, the reality is that Africa still lacks the capacity to maintain its own peace—what the late Kenyan scholar Ali Mazrui described as Pax Africana. These conflicts also often have regional dimensions, spilling over to destabilise neighbouring countries, as evidenced by civil wars in Liberia, Somalia and the Democratic Republic of the Congo DRC from the nineteen-nineties onwards.

UN peacekeeping has, in fact, been a useful innovation and helped bring stability to countries like Mozambique, Sierra Leone and Liberia.